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18 Januari

 
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BerichtGeplaatst: 18 Jan 2006 6:40    Onderwerp: 18 Januari Reageer met quote

January 18

1919 Peace conference opens in Paris

On this day in Paris, France, in the sumptuous Salle d’Horloge on the Quai d’Orsay, delegates convene for the official opening of the peace conference that will end the Great War.

For Germany, already laid low in defeat, opening the peace conference on January 18 was an affront to national pride. On that same day in 1871, the efforts of Otto von Bismarck to unify Prussia and the German kingdoms into a single nation had culminated in the glorious coronation of Wilhelm I as kaiser of the new Germany. This was not a coincidence—George Clemenceau, the prime minister of the host country, had specially chosen the date.

Gathered in the Salle d’Horloge were representatives from far-flung nations: some established powers, some—like those from the contentious Balkan region—emerging new states struggling to carve out a place for themselves. Notable absences in the room included the Greek prime minister, Eleutherious Venizelos, who was annoyed that Serbia had been allowed more delegates than Greece; the Japanese delegation, who had not yet arrived; and, most importantly, representatives from Russia, an Ally in 1914 under the imperial regime of Czar Nicholas II, now in the grips of a revolutionary dictatorship led by a small group of radical socialists, the Bolsheviks.

The French president, Raymond Poincaré, addressed the assembled delegates, telling them, “You hold in your hands the future of the world.” All eyes would be on Paris during the coming months to see whether the peace brokered at Versailles would be worthy of the immense sacrifices made by both winners and losers during the Great War.
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BerichtGeplaatst: 18 Jan 2006 6:41    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1914

1915
Die Russen bei Radzanow zurückgeschlagen
Die Kämpfe in den Kolonien
Eine Ansprache des Königs von Württemberg
Russische Schlappe östlich Zakliczyn
Gebete für den Frieden

1916
Gesteigerte Feuertätigkeit an der Westfront
Der Kaiser auf dem Balkan
Die Neujahrsschlacht in Ostgalizien siegreich beendet
Fliegerbombardement von Ancona
Die "Persia" nicht von einem deutschen U-Boot torpediert

1917
Vergebliche englische Angriffe bei Loos
Erfolgreicher Vorstoß zwischen Susita- und Putna-Tal

1918
Geringe Gefechtstätigkeit an der Westfront
Ein italienischer Truppentransportdampfer versenkt
Eröffnung der russischen Konstituante
Abreise Trotzkis von Brest-Litowsk
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 18:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

T. E. Lawrence, diary of the Peace Conference
(fragment - not continued)

Jan. 1919

The fun began when [name omitted] went off to Paris with seventy lady typists, and a doctor who was a Harley street obstetric specialist, as M.O. to the Villa Majestic. Everybody was wondering how he knew that the Conference would last nine months. It says much for [name omitted] that the jests have been everywhere jests.

The allotment of delegates was a delicate business. Brazil got three, since there are many German interests there and they hope, by implicating her fully in the Conference, to cajole her into repressive measures there. It sounds almost unworthy of American principles.

The Portuguese were greatly sorrowful. The French went to their minister, and said how they regretted the inadequate representation, but that the English were quite firm. The Portuguese came to us more in anger than in sorrow, and protested. Sir Eyre Crowe had to cut out an extract from the official proceedings and send it them secretly, that they might see the protest against the extra delegate came from the French.

Mr. Balfour completely forgot the Hejaz representatives at the first sitting. I got Mallet, Tyrrell, and Cecil to go and protest. Then I went to see Eric Drummond, and explained myself vigorously. He tried first to persuade me that we had no standing, but later came round and promised to do his best. I dined with Mr. Balfour, and got his promise to the same effect, and loaded him full of ammunition. Philip Kerr did the same for Lloyd George on Lionel Curtis' advice. Meanwhile I told Feisal that his question was not prejudiced, only postponed a day for production of necessary papers. Next day Balfour proposed the Hejaz. Pichon protested. Clemenceau accepted one delegate, and Pichon said they could have no more since they were an embryo nationality, not an independent state. Balfour and Lloyd George countered sharply with the statement that they and France had recognised its independence, and the point - two delegates - was carried.

Feisal had meanwhile been visited by Gout, who told him his omission was intentional, and the English were only playing with him. He said France was strong, and the sooner Feisal ceased to listen to the mischief-makers in Mesopotamia and Syria who were working against France, the better it would be for him. They recognised no Arab army in Syria, and Allenby lied if he said they did. So Feisal saw that his representation was contested, and spent a very miserable night in consequence. I found him wandering about the hotel at 2 a.m. When we won he took it as a good augury of all the future battles and was very joyful.

At the first sitting he was amused when Clemenceau, as temporary president, put the question of his own confirmation in the office to the delegates. He voted with the rest for him. Lloyd George in seconding the proposal said that while he was a boy at school Clemenceau was holding office.

The campaign in favour of America co-operating in the East, to secure the practice of her ideals, goes well. Kipling's enthusiasm had turned over Doubleday that night in England. Ellis is now in his sixth article, all tending that way, in the Herald. Mrs. Egan has adhered, and of course old McClure. I want to frighten America with the size of the responsibility, and then that she should run us for it instead. The Americans are rather fed up with France. 'Reminiscences of the second Empire' are too common for their taste. Weizmann was asked by Wilson how he got on with the British - he said so well that he wanted them as his trustee. Then how he got on with the French. He said he knew French perfectly, but he could not understand, or make himself understood by, the French politicians. 'Exactly what I find,' said Wilson.

http://telawrence.net/telawrencenet/works/articles_essays/1919_diary%20of%20the%20peace%20conference.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 18:21    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

'21 Demands' Made by Japan to China, 18 January 1915

Seizing the opportunity effected by the onset of war in 1914, and by its status as an Allied power, Japan presented China with a secret ultimatum in January 1915 designed to give Japan regional ascendancy over China.

The ultimatum was backed up by the threat of war.

The 'Twenty-One Demands' - comprising five groupings - required that China immediately cease its leasing of territory to foreign powers and to ascent to Japanese control over Manchuria and Shandong (Shantung) among other demands.

The Japanese government, following revision of the demands on 26 April 1915, sent a final demand requiring agreement of the demands on 7 May 1915; the following day the Chinese government, aware of its inability to wage war against Japan, reluctantly agreed to Japan's demands, although the intervention of both Britain (an ally) and the U.S. annulled demands by Japan that China accept government policy 'advisors'. The U.S. in particular was wary of Japanese intentions in the Pacific.

The effects of the 'Twenty-One Demands' were subsequently annulled by the Washington Conference of 1921-22 when Japan agreed to withdraw its troops from Shandong and to restore sovereignty to China.

Lees de rest op http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/21demands.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 19:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

In oorlogstijd. Het volledige dagboek van de Eerste Wereldoorlog
Stijn Streuvels

18 januari 1917
Te Harelbeke is een groot vliegplein aangelegd. De bomen langs de grote baan zijn afgezaagd en grachten gevuld en heel het land effen gemaakt - de boeren moesten zelf het werk uitvoeren.

http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/stre009inoo02_01/stre009inoo02_01_0029.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 19:11    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

18 January 1917 – Joseph Stones, Peter Goggins and John McDonald

Three First World War soldiers were posthumously pardoned 90 years on, after they’d been executed for so-called cowardice in 1917.

Around 300-plus soldiers were shot for cowardice during the World War I. But it was these three young servicemen, in particular, who were to represent those ranks who were branded deserters.

For years the families of those men were ashamed to even mention their ancestors – why? Because threre was a stigma attached to having a so-called war coward in the family. And so they were all but erradicated from the families’ history. But their army lives were far from shameful, as younger relatives were to find out.

Under fire
Lance Corporal Peter Goggins and Sergeant Joseph “Will” Stones, both County Durham men, plus Corporal John McDonald from Sunderland, were done for deserting their posts. In actual fact, they were told to retreat 20 yards to a reserve trench, when they came under heavy artillery fire.

The most heart-rending story was that of Stones , who had actually earned three awards for bravery during his three years’ service. He was done for slinging his gun away when he’d actually thrown it at Germans as they rushed him. He then legged it to warn the rest of his troops on the instruction of his officer, who was wounded. But his actions backfired when he was branded a coward instead.

Court martialled
The irony is that these soldiers survived the hostile enemy attacks only to be shot by their fellow men for retreating. They were court martialled and found guilty. The soldiers were then put in chains, blindfolded and tied to stakes, where they were shot at dawn.

Just under 90 years on, after tireless campaigning from newer members of the family, these three men plus others were reprieved and granted pardons posthumously. Their names now take pride of place alongside other men’s names who died for their country.

http://eotd.wordpress.com/2008/01/18/18-january-1917-lance-sergeant-joseph-stones-lance-corporal-peter-goggins-and-lance-corporal-john-mcdonald/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 19:16    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Percy Smith, Anzac

Chapter 21: The Somme January 1917

18/1/17 I do not write every day as there is nothing to put down. We have a few killed or wounded now and then, but that is nothing to write home about, after you have been in the trenches for a few months you don't take any notice of it. Had a very heavy fall of snow today, it is past your knees, off the beaten track, but not very cold. We came out of action and went to our wagon lines for a couple of days.

[Note: The contrast between the mention of “a few killed and wounded now and then, but that is nothing to write home about…” with the rather more graphic description from July 1916: “On the second day (probably July 5th) I had my first experience with death. There is a 12 " Howitzer Battery each side of us, they roar all night. The germans send back 5.9s trying to hit them. I was standing near the road watching them, when a shell landed 100 yards from me, and went in between some A.C.C. men they can thank their lucky stars that it hit a tree first. It cut the tree into matchwood (a very tree at that). Two men were killed and two were wounded. Two of us carried one of the dead men down to their camp, and I must say I never thought a dead man could be so heavy. All the time they were sending over shells pretty thick, and when you are in the middle of the road, carrying a man that you cannot drop too quickly, you feel just a bit shaky in the knees.”]

Een schatkamer: http://percysmith.blogspot.com/2007/04/chapter-21-somme-january-1917.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 19:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

WW1: Experiences of an English Soldier
This blog is made up of transcripts of Harry Lamin's letters from the first World War.

Jan 18/1/18
9th Batt York & Lancs
C. Company
12 Platoon LGS
I.E.F

Dear Jack

I have just received your box of cigs they are very nice, of course I shared them up. I have also received a box of cigs from Ilkeston Town Hall. Things must be be very bad for you in England only allowed such small rations. I have had a letter from Kate she said she enjoyed herself at home this Christmas. Connie and Willie is about right again Connie as started school after five weeks holiday Kate tells me what a rum chap Willie gets he can say anything. I am very pleased you’re going on alright and that you are very happy. Dad keeps about the same he seems a wonderful old man. We have had some very sharp frosts out here but this last day or two it as been very mild. I think the spring starts next month and so we shall be having some warmer weather. but then I hope it is all over before summer. I should be glad if you could send me a London paper now and again. We can’t grumble at our rations to say the war has been on as long and the quiet time we have had lately I hope Kate or Annie manages to just pay you a visit it would be very nice. I will write again soon hoping this letter will find you both well

with best love
from Harry

http://wwar1.blogspot.com/2008/01/letter-to-jack-18th-january-1918.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 20:24    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Commons Sitting of 18 January 1918 - Series 5 Vol. 101

SOLDIER'S DEATH, CHELSEA BARRACKS.
HC Deb 18 January 1918 vol 101 c603 603

Mr. ANDERSON asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has obtained the Report as to the circumstances in which Private Charles Francis Davey, Reserve Battalion, Grenadier Guards, was found with his throat cut at Chelsea Barracks, on 28th December; whether he is aware that this soldier, on complaining to the medical officer of illness, was charged with malingering, given two days' C.B., including, in breach of the King's Regulations, two hours at a stretch punishment drill; whether he is aware that Dr. Spilsbury certified at the inquest that this soldier suffered from disease of the heart muscle, fatty degeneration, arid atrophy; whether he can state why, in view of this verdict, the man was punished for pleading illness; and what action it is intended to take in respect of the medical officer in charge of Chelsea Barracks who signed the order for the man's punishment?

Mr. MACPHERSON The case to which my hon. Friend draws attention is being carefully inquired into. I have called for a full report, and I will let him know the result as soon as I am in a position to do so.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/sittings/1918/jan/18
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2010 22:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1915 - Het uitbreken van de tweedaagse slag, de Slag om Jassin.
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Ypres Salient on Pictures
Discover the Salient - Meet the men


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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:12    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

John “Bloody Jack” Krafchenko (1881-1914): Outlaw.



Born in Romania in 1881, he came to Canada with his parents aged 7 and settled in Plum Coulee, Manitoba. He was constantly in trouble as a child. He later fought as a boxer. He was arrested for passing bad cheques in 1902, robbed a bank in 1906, and robbed another bank at Plum Coulee in 1913, killing the manager. He was arrested in Winnipeg in December 1913, escaping from the Winnipeg police station and setting off a major manhunt. He was recaptured on 18 January 1914, and was hanged on 9 July 1914. He is the subject of a long poem by Dennis Cooley, Bloody Jack (1984).

http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/people/krafchenko_j.shtml
Zie ook http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/mb_history/35/krafchenko.shtml
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

ROYAL HUMANE SOCIETY BRONZE MEDALS CITATIONS TAKEN FROM THE ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1914

Bhiku, Govind. Police Constable. Case 40682

On the 18th January 1914, a man fell into the sea at Bombay and was carried out about 150 yards. Bhiku swam out and succeeded in bringing him to shore.

http://www.users.globalnet.co.uk/~tamarnet/bronz14s.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:16    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

E. Belfort Bax: "1884-1914"
Justice, 18th January 1914

The thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of what has always been the de facto organ of the Social-Democratic Federation (now the British Socialist Party) brings up many memories to us who were present at and took part in the foundation of the modern Socialist movement in Great Britain.

Much has changed during that generation in English public life, and in the fortunes of the Socialist movement. Those of us still surviving can yet remember as though it were yesterday the enthusiasm of the little band of pioneers which was all that the British Socialist Party consisted of in the first year of Justice, the year 1884.

There was our old veteran leader of the Party, H.M. Hyndman, then entering upon early middle life, and still actively vigorous, together with the poet, social-idealist and artist-craftsman, William Morris, rather older, whose poems and articles were such an attractive feature of the first year of the existence of our journal. Then there was our dear old friend, now gone, the ex-Eton master, James Leigh Joynes, whose translations, of Freiligrath, Herwegh, and other poets of the “48” movement delighted us all. How well I remember attending the Congress of the French Parti Ouvrier, held at Roubaix at the end of March of the year in question, in company with Joynes and that other veteran worker for the cause, him whose name next to that of Hyndman is more than any other bound up with the history of Social-Democratic propaganda and organisation in England, and most intimately of all with Justice – Harry Quelch!

We must not forget, too, the then already quasi-historical figure of James Murray, the old Chartist and disciple of Bronterre O’Brien. How indignant was poor old Murray at my handling of the O’Brienite idol Robespierre in some articles on the French Revolution I wrote for Justice at that time! Amongst those still living, though they have abandoned the faith of their generous youth, we must not forget the young ex-army officer, H.H. Champion, whose fund of energetic “go” seemed inexhaustible. With him may be mentioned the now President of the Local Government Board, John Burns, at that time young and enthusiastic in the cause of Social-Democracy. Yes, the year 1884 was indeed a remarkable one in the awakening of England.

As regards the actual beginnings of Socialism in that year, to which this journal owes its foundation, it is noteworthy that the protagonists of the movement were chiefly men of the middle class. As yet the agitation had not reached the working classes of the country. Individual exceptions, of course, there were, as in the case of John Burns above alluded to. One of the most noteworthy of these was the indefatigable worker, who in all the long years has not grown weary, J.E. Williams. Others there were, of course, less known, but on the whole, as already said; in 1884 the agitation was mainly carried on by professional and cultured men. Now, lo! here is Socialism, and lo! there is Socialism. Socialism is everywhere. But with all the quantity of Socialism around us in 1914, one is constrained at times to cast a regretful glance back at the quality of the Socialism that animated the little band of enthusiasts who founded Justice in January, 1884.

E. Belfort Bax

http://www.marxists.org/archive/bax/1914/01/1884-1914.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:20    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Militaire vluchtelingen in Nederland 1914-1918

(...) De Engelse militairen werden eerst ondergebracht in de kazernes te Leeuwarden en Groningen. De Leeuwarden-groep wordt na twee weken overgebracht naar Groningen waar tussen 1 december en 3 januari een barakkenkamp (het Engelse Kamp) wordt gebouwd dat wegens de slechte weersomstandigheden eerst op 18 januari 1915 wordt betrokken. (...)

http://www.wereldoorlog1418.nl/vluchtelingen/militairen-vlucht/index.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:24    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Ilustração Portugueza, No. 465, January 18 1915



http://img413.imageshack.us/content_round.php?page=done&l=img413/2820/142116723306ec6874d5z.jpg&via=mupload
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:31    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Endurance: Shackleton's Antarctic adventure


Endurance beset, full sail © Royal Geographical Society

“Monday 18th Lat 76.27S Long-28.46 W [W]e have done 23 miles but we have come to a full stop again I think we will have to wait untill it opens up a bit as it is very heavy ice...“
- Henry 'Chippy' McNish, diary.

On 18 January 1915, only one day short of her destination, the Endurance entered dense pack ice. Reluctant to use the enormous steam power required to push through it, Shackleton and Captain Worsley waited for an opening. In the night, however, the ice closed around the ship. A northeasterly gale wind arose, compressing the pack tightly against the continental shore - and the ship within it. Several days passed before the expedition realized they were trapped until the austral spring - some nine months away.

http://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/maritime/exhibitions/shackleton/beset.aspx
Zie ook http://www.coolantarctica.com/Antarctica%20fact%20file/History/Ernest%20Shackleton_Trans-Antarctic_expedition2.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 17 Jan 2011 20:40, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:39    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Gent, 18 januari 1915

Eindelijk mogen de duiven nog eens uitvliegen, de beestjes waren al sinds oktober 1914 veroordeeld tot huisarrest. Mond- en klauwzeer zorgen nog steeds voor problemen. Roddelen, zelfs maar praten over Duitse militaire zaken wordt een dure grap.



Uit Paddy's topic "Gent 1914-1915", http://forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?p=217602
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:46    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Altona's Opfertag 18 January 1916



http://www.art-books.com/cgi-bin/artbooks/03-0781
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T. E. Lawrence to his family

General Staff - Intelligence Section
General Headquarters
The Force in Egypt
Cairo

18.1.16

Only a line again this week: I am most busy writing a sort of newspaper article on weak points of the Baghdad railway. Not much news. The reconstruction has gone over our heads, and passed off leaving us in the same place exactly. I do not know if it is all finished yet or not. Anyhow apparently I am to stay out here for the present. I don't think there is much chance of my getting off for a time... we are supposed to have an afternoon off a month, but in practice we never get if oftener than once in 3 months. The rest of the week we are on 9 till 1.30. 2.15 till 8.30: 10 till 12: the rest of the time one spends looking about, and running out to the Hotel for meals. The work is very interesting: mostly writing notes on railways, and troop-movements, and the nature of the country everywhere, and the climate, and the number of horses or camels or sheep or fleas in it... and then drawing maps showing all these things.

N.

Please congratulate Bob on getting all his compulsory exams. over: I expect he will now go in for quantities of voluntary ones, just to prevent himself feeling queer!

N.

http://www.telawrence.net/telawrencenet/letters/1916/160118_family.htm
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SM UB-29

SM UB-29 was a German Type UB II submarine or U-boat in the German Imperial Navy (German: Kaiserliche Marine) during World War I. The U-boat was ordered on 30 April 1915 and launched on 10 February 1916. She was commissioned into the German Imperial Navy on 18 January 1916 as SM UB-29. The submarine sank 33 ships in 17 patrols. UB-29 was sunk by two depth charges from HMS Landrail south of Goodwin Sands on 13 December 1916.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SM_UB-29
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Woodrow Wilson - Confusion and crises, 1916

The submarine controversy with Germany and disputes with Great Britain over neutral trade convinced Wilson and many other Americans that the world was a jungle, a place where force was more powerful than reason and law, and that the United States, with its limited armed forces, was unable to protect its own security, to say nothing of its worldwide interests.

The administration's plan to strengthen the army was devised by Secretary Garrison and the General Staff. It provided for a 400,000-man reserve force, called the continental army, and for a modest increase in the regular army. In contrast, the plan for naval expansion proposed a five-year building program, aimed obviously at Great Britain and Japan, to give the United States a two-ocean fleet capable of challenging the former and overwhelming the latter. Wilson opened the campaign for these programs in New York on 4 November 1915. Opposition from antimilitarists, pacifists, labor organizations, and Socialists developed very quickly. To complicate matters further for Wilson, the House Military Affairs Committee adamantly opposed the plan for the continental army, mainly because it would replace the National Guard as the first line of defense.

Wilson set out upon a speaking tour in the Middle West in late January to stir up public support for his program. He returned to Washington to find congressional Democrats as stubbornly opposed as ever to the continental army. Wilson was not committed to any single plan to strengthen the land forces; hence, he scuttled the continental army plan and accepted the House committee's demand that the National Guard be greatly strengthened and brought under comprehensive federal control. Garrison's resignation on 10 February, in protest against Wilson's move, cleared the way for easy passage of the revised Army Reorganization Act, signed by Wilson on 3 June. Wilson's great personal achievement was passage of the Naval Appropriations Act, signed by him on 29 August 1916. It provided for the completion of the Navy Department's building program in three, rather than five, years. "Let us build a navy bigger than hers [Britain's], and do what we please," Wilson said to his confidant, Colonel Edward M. House.

The failure of Wilson and Lansing to coordinate their foreign policies during the early months of 1916 led to confusions and crises that nearly caused Wilson to lose control of foreign policy to Congress. Wilson sent Colonel House to Europe in early January 1916 to work out a plan for Anglo-American cooperation for peace. House went through the formalities of talking with French and German leaders, but he spent most of his time in London. His peace plan stipulated that Wilson should convoke a peace conference in the near future. If the Germans refused to attend, the United States would probably enter the war on the side of the Allies. If a peace conference met and Germany refused to accept a "reasonable" settlement, the United States would probably enter the war on the Allied side. Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign secretary, on 22 February 1916 initialed a memorandum that embodied the plan, but he stipulated that the British, in agreement with the French, should decide when the House-Grey Memorandum was to be implemented.

Meanwhile, Lansing had launched an initiative that threatened to wreck House's negotiations. On 18 January 1916 the secretary of state proposed to the Allies that they disarm their merchant ships in return for a pledge by Germany that submarines would sink merchantmen only after warning them and providing for the safety of their crews. As Grey said, the Allies were being asked to permit submarines to sink their entire merchant fleets. Protests from Grey and House in London caused Wilson and Lansing to reverse course at once. The secretary of state announced on 15 February 1916 that the administration would follow customary rules and require submarines to warn defensively armed merchant ships before attacking them.

The intimation that the United States might break relations or go to war with Germany over the safety of armed ships set off a panic among Democrats in Congress, who threatened to take control of foreign policy by approving resolutions warning Americans against traveling on any armed ships. Wilson responded with his usual boldness, and the Senate and House tabled the resolutions on 3 March and 7 March, respectively. Actually, the safety of armed ships never became an issue between the American and German governments.

When a submarine torpedoed the packet Sussex without warning in the English Channel with heavy loss of life on 24 March 1916, Wilson decided to use the incident to force the submarine issue to a clear resolution. He went before a joint session of Congress on 19 April and read the terms of an ultimatum he had just sent to Berlin: if the Germans did not at once abandon their ruthless submarine campaign, he would break diplomatic relations with the German government. The Germans did not yet have enough submarines to conduct a successful blockade; consequently they replied on 4 May that submarines would thereafter observe the rules of visit and search when they attacked merchant ships. Maintenance of this pledge would be contingent upon the success of the United States in forcing Great Britain to observe international law in matters of trade.

Relations with Germany were almost cordial following the so-called Sussex pledge, and Americans could turn undistracted attention to the forthcoming national conventions and presidential campaign. The Republicans nominated Associate Justice Charles Evans Hughes, former governor of New York. The Democrats of course renominated Wilson. Repeated demonstrations for peace rocked the Democratic convention hall, and the Democrats adopted a platform plank that hailed Wilson because he had preserved national honor and "kept us out of war."

In the campaign, Hughes appeared petty, legalistic, and quarrelsome. Wilson, in contrast, was never better as a campaigner. Highlighting the themes of progressivism and peace, he kept Hughes on the defensive. Bryan joined other Democrats in trumpeting the cry "He kept us out of war" through the Middle West, the Plains states, and the Far West. In the election on 7 November 1916, Wilson carried New Hampshire, Ohio, the South, and virtually all trans-Mississippi states for a narrow victory (277–254) in the electoral college. Wilson's increase in popular votes in 1916 of nearly 50 percent over his popular vote in 1912 was one of the great electoral achievements in American history.

http://www.presidentprofiles.com/Grant-Eisenhower/Woodrow-Wilson-Confusion-and-crises-1916.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Australian Prisoner of War Statement, 1916

The following statement is from an Australian Private who was wounded in the shoulder by shrapnel in 1916. His treatment over the next two years varied, being particularly bad at Douai, but the food was uniformly poor and inadequate. He was eventually repatriated through Switzerland but even there he complained that the food was inadequate due to the dishonesty of those responsible for its provision.

On the 18th January, 1916, at noon, we were marched from the village of Fleurbaix, where we were billeted, an took up a position a little distance behind our own front lines, but were taken back. We came out again on the morning of 19th July, and advanced to the attack at 3 pm. . . We passed Fritz's first and second lines, and came to an old trench which was about 1,000 yards from where we started.

Next, morning, the 20th, the enemy counter-attacked. We held the position for three or four hours but the Germans, being numerically stronger than us, we were forced to retire, as we could not hold the trench.

Sergeant M-- was lying on the bottom of the trench seriously wounded, and before retiring Lieutenant H-- called for volunteers to carry him out. Another man and I carried him along the trench for about 100 yards, when I was hit by a lump of shrapnel on the shoulder (left). I was completely disabled. I laid there for about an hour when I was picked up by a German officer and carried by him into a dug-out in the German lines, and handed over to the German A.M.C. men. The last I saw of Sergeant 'M' he was crawling along the trench on his hands and knees and being assisted by other men.

I was left with other of our wounded men in the dug-out for three hours without any attention at all, and I felt half dead. Then I was made to march from there with a party of stretcher-bearers who were carrying a wounded German to a dressing station about 2 miles away. I do not know how I got there. I used to walk a few yards and fall down exhausted, pick myself up and stagger on again the stretcher-bearers, waiting for me as I got too far behind.

I arrived there more dead than alive, and my wound was dressed by a German doctor who did. not waste any sympathy on me because I was an Australian. He wanted to.know why we Australians had come over to fight against Germany. I told him we were there to assist the nation to which we belonged.

I remained there that night and slept on an old bed of blankets. Next morning I was taken to Wavrin by ambulance waggon and placed in hospital. It was a hospital for German wounded and, besides myself, there were three Australians and one Englishman there. We were treated exactly the same as the German wounded, and the food we got was wholesome, but not too plentiful. The hospital staff consisted of German doctors, a German matron, and A.M.C. orderlies. Our wounds were dressed regularly, and, on the whole, the treatment meted out to us was fair, very fair. I remained here for one month, and was then moved to Douai.

At Douai the conditions were absolutely rotten -- bad food and no medical attention, our wounds often remaining for over a week without being touched. I was here for ten days, and only had my wound dressed once. The doctor, was a " butcher," and gave me a very rough handling ....

From Douai. I was transferred to Bochum (Westphalia), in Germany, and placed in hospital there. It was a sort of general hospital, run by Sisters of Mercy. I remained here for five weeks. The food was insufficient and consisted of soups and sloppy foods without any nourishment in them. The medical attention was bad, and the prisoners of war were strictly confined to hospital. My wound was making very slow recovery under the treatment. The Sisters of Mercy were the nursing staff, and superintended the work in the wards. Our wounds. were dressed by a Russian Pole, who, I think was a prisoner of war on parole.

There were two other Australian privates here in addition. to myself.

From Bochum I was taken to Sennelager (Westphalia) and remained in hospital there for nine months. A Belgian doctor was in charge here. He was a prisoner of war on parole D'Onn by name, I think. We calld him "Don." I cannot praise him too highly. He was a good friend to all British prisoners and did the best he could in all the circumstances for everybody. Here the food was bad, the daily ration was one piece of bread, which would make three very small slices, and had to last for three meals (a slice for each meal). For breakfast we were given, in addition to one of the above mentioned slices of bread, a cup of substitute coffee. For dinner we were given a sort of vegetable soup, which no one would swallow unless he were starving. At 3 p.m. we had another issue of breakfast " coffee." For supper we got soup, which was 60 per cent worse than that issued to us for dinner. It did not matter what you were suffering from, you got exactly the same ration. We prisoners of war were isolated from the other patients, and the latter, I think, were treated very much better in the matter of food than were we. On one occasion Dr. D'Onn sent me to Pederborn to have an X-ray photograph taken of my shoulder, after which he put me under an anaesthetic and worked my arm, and then strapped it over my right shoulder, keeping it there for a month, but the treatment was without result, Then I was sent to the lager, but, thanks to Dr. D Onn, I was kept off "commando." I remained in the lager for six weeks. If possible, the food here was worse than in hospital.

My Red Cross parcels came to hand during February, and, after that, I got them fairly regularly, and they kept me alive. We relied absolutely upon them for our food. They were all opened before, we got them, and the contents of the tins emptied out. One had, to provide separate dishes to hold the bully beef, jam, &c. On the whole, we got them without much loss. On one occasion the parcels were stopped for a fortnight, and the bread contents were subsequently lost through it going mouldy. The reason given for the stoppage was that some men had developed ptomaine poisoning from the tinned foods but as far as I know this was not true.

From Sennelager I was sent to Constance, and passed the Board of Commissioners there for internment in a neutral country, and, about nine weeks later, was sent to Switzerland with a number of other Australians.

I arrived in Switzerland on 28th November 1917 and was sent to the Chateau d Oex Region, and stopped at the Hotel La Soldanelle, and later at Hotel Bethod.

All the time I remained in Switzerland I was receiving electrical treatment and mechanical exercises for my shoulder.

The treatment and attention were good in Switzerland, but the food, although good, was insufficient. On one occasion we complained to the officer of the day (British officer), and he came and saw the food, and said that we had ample cause for complaint. Still he could do nothing. We know that we should be getting. a bigger ration but owing to the avaricious nature of the hotel keepers in Switzerland, we could not get what our people were paying for.

I left Switzerland on 11th June, 1918, travelling through France in an ambulance train to La Havre, and embarked on S.S. Panama for Southampton. We arrived in London at 4 p.m. on 14th July, and were quartered at the King George Hospital, Waterloo.

http://www.vlib.us/medical/pow/1916.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 20:56    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

SERBS ON CORFU 1916 - 1918
Ioannis Michaletos

The island of Corfu, the biggest in the Ionian Sea, was named after the beautiful nymph Korkyra, the wife of Poseidon according to Greek mythology. The city of Corfu is administrative and cultural center of this island, which has 110,000 inhabitants today. Corfu, together with the rest of the islands in the Ionian archipelagos, became a part of the Greek state on the 21st of May 1864, an event coommemorated every year in the grand Enosis (Unification) festivities.

At the end of 1915 and the beginning of 1916, under the pressure of the joint offensive of the Austro-Hungarian, German and Bulgarian troops, the Serbian army, Serbian government, National Assembly, as well as a part of the Serbian civilian population, was forced to withdraw from Serbia through Montenegro to Albania. On this long journey, Serbs went through the biggest exodus in their recent history. In his official report to Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pasic, General Bozidar Terzic, Minister of Defense, wrote that on their way through Albania, 243,877 persons was killed or taken as prisoners or died from hunger or cold weather. The approximate total number of casualties was at least 150,000 including both soldiers and civilians. - (Read “THE ARRIVAL IN CORFU” by Carlo Sforza)

From 18 January to 21 February 1916, 151,828 Serbian soldiers and civilians were evacuated with Allied ships from the Albanian port of Valona to Corfu. The first port of disembarkation on Corfu was Gouvia (Guvino), six km north from the city of Corfu.

http://www.greekplanet.com.au/forum/lofiversion/index.php/t5522.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:03    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

18 januari - 12 september 1918: Tien frontsoldaten worden vanwege hun Vlaamsgezind optreden aan het front overgeplaatst naar het Peloton spécial forestier in het departement Orne (Frankrijk).

Samen met dienstweigeraars, afstammelingen van Duitsers en Joden moeten zij er onder toezicht van bejaarde gendarmes bomen vellen voor rekening van zowel plaatselijke bosontginners als leveranciers van het Belgische leger. De militaire overheid beschouwt deze straf als een administratieve maatregel waartegen geen verhaal mogelijk is. De tien frontsoldaten, die de geschiedenis ingaan als ‘de houthakkers aan de Orne’, worden na de oorlog de symbolische slachtoffers van de Belgische kwade trouw.


Deze prentbriefkaart uit 1918 toont de tien houthakkers van de Orne.


Voorpagina van De Stormram (5 oktober 1919), het blad van de Antwerpse partijafdeling van Het Vlaamsche Front. In de rechterbovenhoek van de tekening eet een zwaarlijvig persoon zich vol onder het motto "Pour la Patrie", terwijl de de tien Vlaamse houthakkers lijden "Voor Vlaanderen". Het onderschrift luidt: "Vlamingen, wreekt hen!"

http://users.telenet.be/frankie.schram/tijd/feit/tekst/19/1/8/1918.01.18.html
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 17 Jan 2011 21:23, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Karl Kraus Citaat

Karl Kraus (1874-04-28 – 1936-06-12) was an Austrian journalist, satirist, essayist, aphorist, playwright and poet.

My unconscious knows more about the consciousness of the psychologist than his consciousness knows about my unconscious.
- Die Fackel no. 445/53 (18 January 1917)

http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Karl_Kraus
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

‘The ‘Clickety Clicks’ back - A History of the 66th (2nd East Lancashire) Division During the Great War



Despite the improvements the 66th had achieved the division was still constantly dogged by the demands for drafts thus delaying its fitness for overseas service and it was not until 18 January 1917 that the War Office were able to notify GHQ France that the 66th was ready for war. A new and much more terrifying chapter in the history of the 66th Division was about to be written.

Lees verder op http://www.themanchesters.org/66th%20-3.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:13    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Chinese Labour Corps

The Chinese Labour Corps was a force of workers recruited by the British government in World War I to support the troops by performing support work and manual labor. (...)

In 1916, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig requested that 21,000 labourers be recruited to fill the manpower shortage caused by casualties during World War I.[1] As China was initially not a belligerent nation, her nationals were not allowed by their government to participate in the fighting - although the Chinese later declared war against Germany and Austria–Hungary, on 14 August 1917.

The scheme to recruit Chinese to serve as non-military personnel was pioneered by the French government. A contract to supply 50,000 labourers was agreed upon on 14 May 1916 and their first shipment left Tianjin for Dagu and Marseille in July 1916. The British government also signed an agreement with the Chinese authorities to supply labourers. The recruiting was launched by the War Committee in London in 1916 to form a Labour Corps of labourers from China to serve in France and to be known as the Chinese Labour Corps.

The Chinese Labour Corps comprised Chinese men who mostly came from Shandong Province, and to a lesser extent from Liaoning, Jilin, Jiangsu, Hubei, Hunan, Anhui and Gansu Provinces. The first transport ship carrying 1,088 labourers sailed from the main depot at Weihaiwei on 18 January 1917. The journey to France took 3 months.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Labour_Corps via http://www.facebook.com/pages/Chinese-Labour-Corps/112744428775368
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

V. I. Lenin: "Draft Decree On The Nationalisation Of The Merchant Marine And Inland Water Transport" [1]
Written: 18 January, 1918

1. Draft Decree
1. The Council of People's Commissars states that the Central Committee[2] and Tsentrovolga[he Central Committee of the Volga F1eet] are entirely in agreement concerning the need to nationalise, immediately and without compensation, all sea-going and river vessels used for commercial purposes.
2. The C.P.C. accordingly resolves that such nationalisation shall be carried out immediately, and authorises a special commission consisting of representatives of the Navy Commissariat, two from the C.C., two from Tsentrovolga, and a chairman appointed by the Supreme Economic Council to work out the following main points of a nationalisation decree and to submit it to the Council of People's Commissars within two days.
3. The nationalisation of the entire fleet is decreed.
4. It is incumbent on the crews and subsequently on the unions of ship workers of each basin and sea to maintain order on board their vessels, safeguard them, etc.
5. The C.C. and Tsentrovolga shall be regarded as caretaker central boards of the nationalised fleet, pending a congress and their merger. If the merger is not achieved on a voluntary basis, it shall be carried out forcibly by the Soviet Government.
6. The central boards shall operate in full subordination to the local and central organs of Soviet power.

2. Addendum to the Draft
This should be added to the immediate decree on nationalisation:
(a) arrest of all boards of management (house arrest),
(b) strict liability for damage to vessels, etc.

Footnotes
[1] The question of the nationalisation of the merchant marine arid inland water transport was discussed at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on January 18 (31), 1918. It heard three reports: one from Tsentrovolga, another from the Central Committee of the All-Russia Seamen's and River Transport Workers' Union, and a third from the Supreme Economic Council. Lenin's draft was approved as a decision of the Council of People's Commissars "Or, Seamen and River Transport Workers".
[2] The reference is to the Central Committee of the All-Russia Seamen's arid River Transport Workers' Union.


http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/jan/18.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The only session of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly held in Petrograd on 18th January 1918



http://www.mystudios.com/artgallery/B/Boris-Zvorykine/The-only-session-of-the-All-Russian-Constituent-Assembly-held-in-Petrograd-on-18th-January-1918.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

18 January 1918 - United States Treasury Department



1918 WWI War Risk Insurance Certificate numbered 3340567 made out to Walter James Scholl in the amount of $10,000.

http://www.immediateannuities.com/museumofinsurance/policies/1370220.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:30    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

From General Smuts to the Secretary of the Universities Mission to Central Africa.

GENERAL SMUTS' HEADQUARTERS,
SAVOY HOTEL,
LONDON, W.C.

18th January, 1918.

DEAR MR. TRAVERS,

I have read the Open Letter of the Bishop of Zanzibar to me with the deepest interest. It contains a very solemn plea to the conscience of the British people, backed up by an imposing array of solid facts.

Yours sincerely,

(Signed) J. C. SMUTS.

Lees verder! http://anglicanhistory.org/weston/slaves1918.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 21:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Military Intelligence in the American Southwest: German Spy in Nogales

In 18 January 1918 in the Central Hotel in Nogales, Mexico, Lothar Witzke, also known as Pablo Waberski, was taken into custody as a suspected German spy and saboteur. Upon his person was an encoded letter from the German consul in Mexico City charging him with undercover operations in the United States. It was this message, decrypted in Washington by MI-8, the code and ciphers section of the Military Intelligence Division, that led to his conviction for spying. The damning message read: "The bearer of this is a subject of the Empire who travels as a Russian under the name of Pablo Waberski. He is a German secret agent. Please furnish him on request protection and assistance; also advance him on demand up to 1,000 pesos of Mexican gold and send his code telegrams to this embassy as official consular dispatches." His death sentence, the only one to be handed down during World War 1, was later commuted by the President to life. Witzke was released in 1923.

http://net.lib.byu.edu/estu/wwi/comment/huachuca/HI2-07.htm
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Raymond Poincare – Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

Raymond Poincare’s Welcoming Address

Gentlemen,

France greets and welcomes you and thanks you for having unanimously chosen as the seat of your labours the city which, for over four years, the enemy has made his principal military objective and which the valour of the Allied armies has victoriously defended against unceasingly renewed offensives.

Allow me to see in your decision the homage of all the nations that you represent towards a country which, still more than any others, has endured the sufferings of war, of which entire provinces, transformed into vast battlefields, have been systematically wasted by the invader, and which has paid the heaviest tribute to death.

France has borne these enormous sacrifices without having incurred the slightest responsibility for the frightful cataclysm which has overwhelmed the universe, and at the moment when this cycle of horror is ending, all the Powers whose delegates are assembled here may acquit themselves of any share in the crime which has resulted in so unprecedented a disaster.

What gives you authority to establish a peace of justice is the fact that none of the peoples of whom you are the delegates has had any part in injustice. Humanity can place confidence in you because you are not among those who have outraged the rights of humanity.

There is no need of further information or for special inquiries into the origin of the drama which has just shaken the world. The truth, bathed in blood, has already escaped from the Imperial archives. The premeditated character of the trap is today clearly proved. In the hope of conquering, first, the hegemony of Europe and next the mastery of the world, the Central Empires, bound together by a secret plot, found the most abominable pretexts for trying to crush Serbia and force their way to the East. At the same time they disowned the most solemn undertakings in order to crush Belgium and force their way into the heart of France.

These are the two unforgettable outrages which opened the way to aggression. The combined efforts of Great Britain, France, and Russia broke themselves against that mad arrogance. If, after long vicissitudes, those who wished to reign by the sword have perished by the sword, they have but themselves to blame; they have been destroyed by their own blindness. What could be more significant than the shameful bargains they attempted to offer to Great Britain and France at the end of July 1914, when to Great Britain they suggested: “Allow us to attack France on land and we will not enter the Channel”; and when they instructed their Ambassador to say to France: “We will only accept a declaration of neutrality on your part if you surrender to us Briey, Toul, and Verdun”?

It is in the light of these memories, gentlemen, that all the conclusions you will have to draw from the war will take shape.

Your nations entered the war successively, but came, one and all, to the help of threatened right. Like Germany, Great Britain and France had guaranteed the independence of Belgium. Germany sought to crush Belgium. Great Britain and France both swore to save her. Thus, from the very beginning of hostilities, came into conflict the two ideas which for fifty months were to struggle for the dominion of the world – the idea of sovereign force, which accepts neither control nor check, and the idea of justice, which depends on the sword only to prevent or repress the abuse of strength. Faithfully supported by her Dominions and Colonies, Great Britain decided that she could not remain aloof from a struggle in which the fate of every country was involved. She has made, and her Dominions and Colonies have made with her, prodigious efforts to prevent the war from ending in the triumph of the spirit of conquest and the destruction of right.

Japan, in her turn, only decided to take up arms out of loyalty to Great Britain, her great Ally, and from the consciousness of the danger in which both Asia and Europe would have stood, for the hegemony of which the Germanic Empires had dreamt.

Italy, who from the first had refused to lend a helping hand to German ambition, rose against an age-long foe only to answer the call of oppressed populations and to destroy at the cost of her blood the artificial political combination which took no account of human liberty.

Rumania resolved to fight only to realize that national unity which was opposed by the same powers of arbitrary force. Abandoned, betrayed, and strangled, she had to submit to an abominable treaty, the revision of which you will exact.

Greece, whom the enemy for many months tried to turn from her traditions and destinies, raised an army only to escape attempts at domination, of which she felt the growing threat. Portugal, China, and Siam abandoned neutrality only to escape the strangling pressure of the Central Powers. Thus it was the extent of German ambitions that brought so many peoples, great and small, to form a league against the same adversary.

And what shall I say of the solemn resolution taken by the United States in the spring of 1917 under the auspices of their illustrious President, Mr. Wilson, whom I am happy to greet here in the name of grateful France, and, if you will allow me to say so, gentlemen, in the name of all the nations represented in this room?

What shall I say of the many other American Powers which either declared themselves against Germany – Brazil, Cuba, Panama, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Haiti, Honduras – or at least broke off diplomatic relations – Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Uruguay? From north to south the New World rose with indignation when it saw the empires of Central Europe, after having let loose the war without provocation and without excuse, carry it on with fire, pillage, and massacre of inoffensive beings.

The intervention of the United States was something more, something greater, than a great political and military event: it was a supreme judgment passed at the bar of history by the lofty conscience of a free people and their Chief Magistrate on the enormous responsibilities incurred in the frightful conflict which was lacerating humanity. It was not only to protect themselves from the audacious aims of German megalomania that the United States equipped fleets and created immense armies, but also, and above all, to defend an ideal of liberty over which they saw the huge shadow of the Imperial Eagle encroaching farther every day.

America, the daughter of Europe, crossed the ocean to wrest her mother from the humiliation of thraldom and to save civilization. The American people wished to put an end to the greatest scandal that has ever sullied the annals of mankind.

Autocratic governments, having prepared in the secrecy of the Chancelleries and the General Staff a map programme of universal domination, at the time fixed by their genius for intrigue let loose their packs and sounded the horns for the chase, ordering science at the very time when it was beginning to abolish distances, bring men closer, and make life sweeter, to leave the bright sky towards which it was soaring and to place itself submissively at the service of violence, lowering the religious idea to the extent of making God the complacent auxiliary of their passions and the accomplice of their crimes; in short, counting as naught the traditions and wills of peoples, the lives of citizens, the honour of women, and all those principles of public and private morality which we for our part have endeavoured to keep unaltered through the war and which neither nations nor individuals can repudiate or disregard with impunity.

While the conflict was gradually extending over the entire surface of the earth the clanking of chains was heard here and there, and captive nationalities from the depths of their age-long jails cried out to us for help.

Yet more, they escaped to come to our aid. Poland came to life again and sent us troops. The Czecho-Slovaks won their right to independence in Siberia, in France, and in Italy. The Jugo-Slays, the Armenians, the Syrians and Lebanese, the Arabs, all the oppressed peoples, all the victims, long helpless or resigned, of great historic deeds of injustice, all the martyrs of the past, all the outraged consciences, all the strangled liberties revived at the clash of our arms, and turned towards us, as their natural defenders. Thus the war gradually attained the fullness of its first significance, and became, in the fullest sense of the term, a crusade of humanity for Right; and if anything can console us in part at least, for the losses we have suffered, it is assuredly the thought that our victory is also the victory of Right.

This victory is complete, for the enemy only asked for the armistice to escape from an irretrievable military disaster. In the interest of justice and peace it now rests with you to reap from this victory its full fruits in order to carry out this immense task. You have decided to admit, at first, only the Allied or associated Powers, and, in so far as their interests are involved in the debates, the nations which remained neutral.

You have thought that the terms of peace ought to be settled among ourselves before they are communicated to those against whom we have together fought the good fight. The solidarity which has united us during the war and has enabled us to win military success ought to remain unimpaired during the negotiations for, and after the signing of, the Treaty. It is not only governments, but free peoples, who are represented here. Through the test of danger they have learned to know and help one another. They want their intimacy of yesterday to assure the peace of tomorrow. Vainly would our enemies seek to divide us. If they have not yet renounced their customary manoeuvres, they will soon find that they are meeting today, as during the hostilities, a homogeneous block which nothing will be able to disintegrate. Even before the armistice you placed that necessary unity under the standard of the lofty moral and political truths of which President Wilson has nobly made himself the interpreter.

And in the light of those truths you intend to accomplish your mission. You will, therefore, seek nothing but justice, “justice that has no favourites,” justice in territorial problems, justice in financial problems, justice in economic problems.

But justice is not inert, it does not submit to injustice. What it demands first, when it has been violated, are restitution and reparation for the peoples and individuals who have been despoiled or maltreated. In formulating this lawful claim, it obeys neither hatred nor an instinctive or thoughtless desire for reprisals. It pursues a twofold object – to render to each his due, and not to encourage crime through leaving it unpunished.

What justice also demands, inspired by the same feeling, is the punishment of the guilty and effective guaranties against an active return of the spirit by which they were tempted; and it is logical to demand that these guaranties should be given, above all, to the nations that have been, and might again be most exposed to aggressions or threats, to those who have many times stood in danger of being submerged by the periodic tide of the same invasions. What justice banishes is the dream of conquest and imperialism, contempt for national will, the arbitrary exchange of provinces between states as though peoples were but articles of furniture or pawns in a game. The time is no more when diplomatists could meet to redraw with authority the map of the empires on the corner of a table. If you are to remake the map of the world it is in the name of the peoples, and on condition that you shall faithfully interpret their thoughts, and respect the right of nations, small and great, to dispose of themselves, and to reconcile it with the right, equally sacred, of ethnical and religious minorities – a formidable task, which science and history, your two advisers, will contribute to illumine and facilitate.

You will naturally strive to secure the material and moral means of subsistence for all those peoples who are constituted or reconstituted into states; for those who wish to unite themselves to their neighbours; for those who divide themselves into separate units; for those who reorganize themselves according to their regained traditions; and, lastly, for all those whose freedom you have already sanctioned or are about to sanction.

You will not call them into existence only to sentence them to death immediately. You would like your work in this, as in all other matters, to be fruitful and lasting. While thus introducing into the world as much harmony as possible, you will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions unanimously adopted by the Great Allied Powers, establish a general League of Nations, which will be a supreme guarantee against any fresh assaults upon the right of peoples.

You do not intend this International Association to be directed against anybody in future. It will not of set purpose shut out anybody, but, having been organized by the nations that have sacrificed themselves in defence of Right, it will receive from them its statutes and fundamental rules. It will lay down conditions to which its present or future adherents will submit, and, as it is to have for its essential aim to prevent, as far as. possible, the renewal of wars, it will, above all, seek to gain respect for the peace which you will have established, and will find it the less difficult to maintain in proportion as this peace will in itself imply greater realities of justice and safer guaranties of stability.

By establishing this new order of things you will meet the aspiration of humanity, which, after the frightful convulsions of these bloodstained years, ardently wishes to feel itself protected by a union of free peoples against the ever-possible revivals of primitive savagely.

An immortal glory will attach to the names of the nations and the men who have desired to co-operate in this grand work in faith and brotherhood, and who have taken pains to eliminate from the future peace causes of disturbance and instability.

This very day forty-eight years ago, on January 18, 1871, the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French provinces; it was thus vitiated from its origin and by the fault of the founders; born in injustice, it has ended in opprobrium. You are assembled in order to repair the evil that it has done and to prevent a recurrence of it. You hold in your hands the future of the world. I leave you, gentlemen, to your grave deliberations, and I declare the Conference of Paris open.

Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, National Alumni 1923, http://royalromania.wordpress.com/2008/12/11/paris-peace-conference-raymond-poincare-january-1919/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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January 18, 1919: Wilson attends Paris Peace Conference

On this day in 1919, President Woodrow Wilson attends the Paris Peace Conference that would formally end World War I and lay the groundwork for the formation of the League of Nations.

Wilson envisioned a future in which the international community could preempt another conflict as devastating as the First World War and, to that end, he urged leaders from France, Great Britain and Italy to draft at the conference what became known as the Covenant of League of Nations. The document established the concept of a formal league to mediate international disputes in the hope of preventing another world war.

Once drawn, the world's leaders brought the covenant to their respective governing bodies for approval. In the U.S., Wilson's promise of mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike rankled the isolationist Republican majority in Congress. Republicans resented Wilson's failure to appoint one of their representatives to the peace delegation and an equally stubborn Wilson refused his opponents' offers to compromise. Wary of the covenant's vague language and potential impact on America's sovereignty, Congress refused to adopt the international agreement for a League of Nations.

At a stalemate with Congress, President Wilson embarked on an arduous tour across the country to sell the idea of a League of Nations directly to the American people. He argued that isolationism did not work in a world in which violent revolutions and nationalist fervor spilled over international borders and stressed that the League of Nations embodied American values of self-government and the desire to settle conflicts peacefully.

The tour's intense schedule cost Wilson his health. During the tour he suffered persistent headaches and, upon his return to Washington, he suffered a stroke. He recovered and continued to advocate passage of the covenant, but the stroke and Republican Warren Harding's election to the presidency in 1921 effectively ended his campaign to get the League of Nations ratified. The League was eventually created, but without the participation of the United States.

http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/wilson-attends-paris-peace-conference

Woodrow Wilson's Opening Address at the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

With Germany's decision to seek an armistice - or face domestic as well as military collapse - arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.

The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.

Reproduced below is the opening address by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson.

Woodrow Wilson's Opening Address Nominating Georges Clemenceau as President of the Conference, 18 January 1919

I have the great honour to propose as definitive president of this conference the French Premier, M. Clemenceau.

I do so in conformity with usage. I should do it even if it were only a question of paying homage to the French Republic, but I do it also because I desire, and you certainly desire with me, to pay homage to the man himself.

France, as it is, would alone deserve this honour, but we are today in her capital, and it is here that this great Conference has met. France, by her sufferings and sacrifices during the war, deserves a special tribute. Moreover, Paris is her ancient and splendid capital, where more than once these great assemblages, on which the fate of the world has depended, have met.

I am happy to think that the meeting which is beginning crowns the series of these meetings. This Conference may be considered in some respects as the final crowning of the diplomatic history of the world tip to this day, for never have so many nations been represented at the same time to solve problems which in so high a degree interest the whole world.

Moreover, this meeting signifies for us the end of this terrible war, which threatened to destroy civilization and the world itself. It is a delightful sensation for us to feel that we are meeting at a moment when this terrible menace has ceased to exist.

But it is not only to France, it is to the man who is her great servant that we wish to pay homage and to do honour. We have learned, since we have had relations with him, and since he has been at the head of the French Government, to admire the power of his direction and the force and good sense of his actions.

But, more than this, those who know him, those who have worked in close connection with him, have acquired for him a real affection. Those who, like ourselves, have seen him work in these recent times know how much he is united with us, and with what ardour he is working for that which we ourselves desire.

For we all desire the same thing. We desire before all to lift from the shoulders of humanity the frightful weight which is pressing on them, so that humanity, released from this weight, may at last return joyfully to work.

Thus, gentlemen, it is not only to the Premier of the French Republic, it is to M. Clemenceau that I propose you should give the presidency of this assemblage.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/parispeaceconf_wilson.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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Bentley

Bentley Motors Limited is a British manufacturer of automobiles founded on 18 January 1919 by Walter Owen Bentley (known as W.O. Bentley or just "W"). Bentley had been previously known for his range of rotary aero-engines in World War I, the most famous being the Bentley BR1 as used in later versions of the Sopwith Camel.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bentley
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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David Lloyd George's Opening Address at the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

With Germany's decision to seek an armistice - or face domestic as well as military collapse - arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.

The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.

Reproduced below is British Prime Minister David Lloyd George's opening address.

David Lloyd George's Opening Address Seconding Woodrow Wilson's Nomination of Georges Clemenceau as Conference President, 18 January 1919

Gentlemen, it is not only a pleasure for me, but a real privilege, to support in the name of the British Empire the motion which has been proposed by President Wilson.

I shall do it for the reasons which the President has just expressed with so much eloquence. It is homage to a man that we wish to pay before all.

When I was at school M. Clemenceau was already one of the moving forces in French politics. Already his renown had spread far. And, were it not for this memory of my childhood, I should be tempted to believe the legend which is commonly spread abroad of the eternal youth of M. Clemenceau.

In all the conferences at which we have been present the most alert, the most vigorous, in a word, the youngest man, was always M. Clemenceau. By the freshness of his mind and his indefatigable energy he displayed his youth at every moment. He is indeed "the grand young man" of France.

But nothing will give us greater pleasure than to see him take the place which we propose that he should accept. No one is better qualified for that place. We have often had discussions together. We have often been in agreement and sometimes we have disagreed, and in that case we have always been in the habit of expressing our opinions with all the force and vigour which belong to two Celts like ourselves.

I believe that in the debates of this Conference there will at first inevitably be delays, but I guarantee from my knowledge of M. Clemenceau that there will be no time wasted. That is indispensable. The world is thirsting for peace. Millions of men are waiting to return to their normal life, and they will not forgive us too long delays.

I am sure that M. Clemenceau will not allow useless delays to occur. He is one of the greatest living orators, but he knows that the finest eloquence is that which gets things done and that the worst is that which delays them. Another reason for congratulating him on occupying the place which we are about to give him is his indomitable courage, of which he has given proof in days of difficulty.

In these days his energy and presence of mind have done more than all the acts of us others to ensure victory. There is no man of whom one can say that he has contributed more to surmount those terrible difficulties which were so close to the final triumph.

He represents the admirable energy, courage and resource of his great people, and that is why I desire to add my voice to that of President Wilson and to ask for his election to the presidency of the Peace Conference.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/parispeaceconf_lloydgeorge.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Sidney Sonnino's Opening Address at the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

With Germany's decision to seek an armistice - or face domestic as well as military collapse - arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.

The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.

Reproduced below is Italian Prime Minister Sidney Sonnino's opening address.

Sidney Sonnino's Opening Address Seconding Woodrow Wilson's Nomination of Georges Clemenceau as Conference President, 18 January 1919

Gentlemen, on behalf of the Italian Delegation, I associate myself cordially with the proposal of President Wilson, supported by Mr. Lloyd George, and I ask you to give the presidency of the Peace Conference to M. Clemenceau.

I am happy to be able in these circumstances to testify to my good will and admiration for France and for the eminent statesman who is at the head of her Government.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/parispeaceconf_sonnino.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Georges Clemenceau's Opening Address at the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

With Germany's decision to seek an armistice - or face domestic as well as military collapse - arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.

The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.

Reproduced below is French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau's opening address in which he accepted the presidency of the peace conference.

Georges Clemenceau's Opening Address as Conference President, 18 January 1919

Gentlemen, you would not understand it if, after listening to the words of the two eminent men who have just spoken, I were to keep silent.

I cannot elude the necessity of expressing my lively gratitude, my deep gratitude, both to the illustrious President Wilson and to the Prime Minister of Great Britain, as well as to Baron Sonnino, for the words which they have uttered.

In the past, in the days of my youth - long ago now, as Mr. Lloyd George has reminded me - when I travelled over America and England, I used always to hear the French blamed for that excess of politeness which led them beyond the boundaries of the truth. Listening to the American statesman and the British statesman, I asked myself whether in Paris they had not acquired our national vice of flattering urbanity.

It is necessary, gentlemen, to point out that my election is due necessarily to lofty international tradition, and to the time-honoured courtesy shown toward the country which has the honour to welcome the Peace Conference in its capital. The proofs of "friendship" - as they will allow me to call it - of President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George touched me profoundly, because in these proofs may be seen a new force for all three of us which will enable us, with the help of this entire Conference, to carry through the arduous task entrusted to us. I draw new confidence from it for the success of our efforts.

President Wilson has good authority for his remark that we have here for the first time a collection of delegates from all the civilized peoples of the earth. The greater the sanguinary catastrophe which devastated and ruined one of the richest regions of France, the more ample and more splendid should be the reparation - not merely the reparation for material acts, the ordinary reparation, if I may venture to say so, which is due to us - but the nobler and loftier reparation - we are going to try to secure, so that the peoples may at last escape from this fatal embrace, which, heaping up ruins and sorrows, terrorizes the populations and prevents them from devoting themselves freely to their work for fear of the enemies who may spring up at any moment.

It is a great and noble ambition that has come to us all. We must hope that success will crown our efforts. This can only be if we have our ideas clear-cut and well defined.

I said in the Chamber of Deputies some days ago, and I make a point of repeating the statement here, that success is possible only if we remain firmly united. We have come here as friends. We must pass through that door as brothers. That is the first reflection which I am anxious to express to you. Everything must be subordinated to the necessity for a closer and closer union between the peoples which have taken part in this great war.

The Society of Nations has its being here, it has its being in you. It is for you to make it live, and for that there is no sacrifice to which we are not ready to consent. I do not doubt that as you are all of this disposition we shall arrive at this result, but only on condition that we exercise impartial pressure on ourselves to reconcile what in appearance may be opposing interests in the higher view of a greater, happier, and better humanity.

That, gentlemen, is what I had to say to you.

I am touched beyond all expression by the proof of confidence and regard which you have been kind enough to give me. The program of the Conference, the aim marked out by President Wilson, is no longer merely peace for the territories, great and small, with which we are directly concerned; it is no longer merely a peace for the continents, it is peace for the peoples.

This program speaks for itself; there is nothing to be added to it. Let us try, gentlemen, to do our work speedily and well. I am handing to the Bureau the rules of procedure of the Conference, and these will be distributed to you all.

I come now to the order of the day. The first question is as follows: "The responsibility of the authors of the war." The second is thus expressed: "Penalties for crimes committed during the war." The third is: "International legislation in regard to labour."

The Powers whose interests are only in part involved are also invited to send in memoranda in regard to matters of all kinds - territorial, financial, or economic - which affect them particularly. These memoranda should be addressed to the general secretariat of the Conference.

This system is somewhat novel. Our desire in asking you to proceed thus is to save time. All the nations represented here are free to present their claims. You will kindly send in these memoranda as speedily as possible, as we shall then get on with the work which we shall submit for your consideration. You can deal with the third question from the standpoint of the organization of labour.

It is a very vast field. But we beg of you to begin by examining the question as to the responsibility of the authors of the war. I do not need to set forth our reasons for this. If we wish to establish justice in the world we can do so now, for we have won victory and can impose the penalties demanded by justice.

We shall insist on the imposition of penalties on the authors of the abominable crimes committed during the war. Has any one any question to ask in regard to this? If not, I would again remind you that every delegation should devote itself to the study of this first question, which has been made the subject of reports by eminent jurists, and of a report which will be sent to you entitled, "An Inquiry into the Criminal Responsibility of the Emperor William II."

The perusal of this brochure will, without doubt, facilitate your work. In Great Britain and in America studies on this point have also been published. No one having any remark to make, the program is adopted.

It only remains for me to say, gentlemen, that the order of the day for our next sitting will begin with the question of the Society of Nations. Our order of the day, gentlemen, is now brought to an end. Before closing the sitting, I should like to know whether any delegate of the Powers represented has any question to submit to the Bureau. As we must work in complete agreement, it is to be desired that members of the Conference shall submit all the observations they consider necessary.

The Bureau will welcome the expression of opinions of all kinds. and will answer all questions addressed to it.

No one has anything further to say? The sitting is closed.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/parispeaceconf_clemenceau.htm
_________________

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Sisley Huddleston's Account of the Opening of the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

With Germany's decision to seek an armistice - or face domestic as well as military collapse - arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.

The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.

Reproduced below is an account of the run up to the opening session by the official British observer Sisley Huddleston.

Sisley Huddleston's Account of the Opening of the Paris Peace Conference, 18 January 1919

The Peace Conference formally opened on Saturday, January 18th, in the Salle de l'Horloge at the French Foreign Ministry. But for some weeks before there had been a mustering of statesmen from the four corners of the world in Paris, and the French capital, which with its comings and goings of statesmen and generals had for so long been the Capital of the War, was prepared to become the Peace Headquarters.

I think that the strongest criticism that can be made of the Allies is that they permitted two months to slip away before they even proceeded to consider the peace which the armistice promised.

There were two things to do, each of which depended on the other. One was to make a temporary treaty which would give us a working relationship with Germany. The other was, not only to make peace in the diplomatic sense, but to pacify Europe. We increased our difficulties with Germany by the long delay. We could in the first flush of victory have imposed our maximum terms almost without protest on the crushed people; and it would have had an excellent effect to modify them later on. But we muddled, because Clemenceau wanted one sort of peace, Lloyd George another, and Wilson a third.

We got in each other's way.

The fact is that the Foreign Offices could not agree. The conflict on the question of admitting Russia was particularly heated between the British and the French. The Quai d'Orsay, which is singularly blind to realities and sometimes allows itself to be manoeuvred by foreign reactionaries, declared hotly against Mr. Lloyd George's and Mr. Balfour's views that Lenin should be invited to make peace and send delegates to Paris.

This inability to come to an accord on the most elementary matters pursued the Allies; and it was no wonder that Mr. Wilson, who had been in France for nearly a month, wasting his time, protesting now and again to M. Clemenceau, grew very impatient, and urged an instant beginning.

At this time the contradiction between the point of view of the American President and that of the French Premier was flat and flagrant. A deadlock was threatened at the outset. The two men remained courteous, but there was certainly no friendly feeling between them.

"If you can persuade me that your plans are better for the peace of the world, I am willing to listen and to learn," said Mr. Wilson. "And if you can persuade me, so much the better," replied M. Clemenceau. "Only - you cannot!"

The scenery, the stage setting, was not very impressive in those rainy days of January, when Paris was drenched in constant showers. There is no season of the year when the city looks more dismal. The leafless boulevards and the wet pavements reflecting faintly at night the feeble illuminations make a picture without colour. But in the busy interiors of the buildings that were devoted to the preparations for peace there was an almost feverish activity.

The Pressmen from all parts of the world gathered in great clouds ready to swarm down upon any one who could furnish them with the smallest tit-bit of information. Motorcars dashed to and fro under the leaden skies, stopping at the door of this hotel and at the porch of that Government Department.

The last touches were put to the arrangements. The papers stacked in prodigious number were classified. Facts and figures about almost every country in Europe, and statistics about every continent of the world, were available.

In short, the supreme moment had arrived when the most immense consultation of Powers and of peoples that the world has ever seen was about to begin.

If you had occasion to come within the shadow of these buildings, whose placid front concealed such prodigious labour and such stupendous compilations, you felt the gravity of the coming events. There were assembled those upon whose wisdom or folly, upon whose vigilance or blindness, upon whose goodwill or antipathies, the whole future of the world hung.

The fate of mankind was poised by a thread. When you came into the sphere of these proceedings you could not avoid a feeling of awe at the terrible responsibilities shouldered by the statesmen, as they were yesterday shouldered by the captains of the Allies and of their associates.

The British took up their quarters in the Hotel Majestic and in the Hotel Astoria - two huge establishments which are close to the Etoile. The strictest guard was kept, lest there should be a betrayal of secrets. What secrets there were left to betray after the members of the Conference had given away all they knew - except their own quarrels, and those too, wherever it suited them to hint that Mr. So-and-so was preventing an agreement on such-and-such a subject - I really do not know.

For my part, I never learnt of anything of any importance through official channels that I had not known before either by personal contact with some member or through the newspapers. There never was such a ridiculous bogy as this fear of publicity, and I am only surprised that the Press did not laugh it to scorn.

There were not only men from the Foreign Office but men from Scotland Yard, and the emptying of the waste-paper baskets was a highly important business!

In these buildings the delegates lived and worked and played - for the social side of life was developed by the younger folk at the Hotel Majestic. If it was permissible to dance on the eve of Waterloo it was surely permissible to dance on the eve of Versailles; and the amateur theatricals and the concerts and the dinner parties and the afternoon teas in the Hall of the Hotel Majestic made peace-making a fairly pleasant job, provided you were not too busy.

Nevertheless, it is not at all fair to speak scornfully of this army of officials. They really worked after their fashion exceedingly well. They prepared reports, they put the text of documents in shape, they did the fagging for the British team.

Only - the delegates afterwards disregarded what they had done and much of their work was wasted. There was an early outcry about their numbers, but it must be remembered that it was difficult to estimate how large a staff would be required; and, besides, a number came over for only a week or two.

A tribute should be paid to the many girl assistants, who in docketing and filing were superior to the men. Responsible positions were given to women. The uniforms of the young girl messengers soon became familiar to Parisians and were celebrated in song.

Most of the decisions with regard to the methods of procedure were taken in the week preceding the Conference proper. It was arranged that the big Powers alone were to lay down the general lines and the smaller States to be called in afterwards, while the enemy Powers were to come in at the end of the deliberations to receive their sentences at Versailles.

There was a feeling in some quarters that it would have been better that everybody should have been united in a big conference to agree first on the principles to be applied, and to work out the details in smaller groups. Questions of procedure cannot be regarded as trivial. They have gone very far to make the results of the Conference what they are.

The opening day recalled an event which coloured the subsequent history of Europe. It was the anniversary of that day in 1871 when the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French provinces, and, as M. Poincare said, was thus vitiated from its origin by the fault of its founders.

Born in injustice, it ended in opprobrium. The scene in the Salon de l'Horloge at the Quai d'Orsay when the seventy delegates met for the first time was an impressive one.

The Salle is magnificent, a suitable setting for the drama which was then begun. Looking out on the swollen Seine was M. Bratianu, the Rumanian Premier, in company with M. Pashitch of Serbia. All the Balkan problems which had been hitherto insoluble seemed to be represented by these two men.

The picturesque figure of the Emir Feysal, son of the King of the Hedjaz, with his flowing turban falling on his shoulders, reminded one of the tremendous differences of opinion and of interests in the Near East. M. Dmowski and M. Kramarcz, from Poland and from Czecho-Slovakia, evoked the difficulties and the troublous times ahead of the new States.

One foresaw the Adriatic quarrel when Baron Sonnino entered. M. Venizelos incarnated Greek aspirations and M. Vandervelde carried us in imagination to suffering Belgium.

Marshal Foch, Mr. Wilson, President Poincare, Mr. Lloyd George and M. Clemenceau formed a group whose points of view it seemed hardly possible to reconcile. After all, when one looked and remembered "so many men, so many minds," it seemed hopeless to expect that they could all he satisfied.

I think in view of the subsequent results it is as well to recall the salient passage of M. Poincare's speech.

"You will," he said, "seek nothing but justice - justice that has no favourites - justice in territorial problems, justice in financial problems, justice in economic problems."

"The time is no more when diplomatists could meet to redraw with authority the map of the Empires on the corner of a table. If you are to remake the map of the world it is in the name of the peoples and on condition that you shall faithfully interpret their thoughts and respect the right of nations, small and great, to dispose of themselves, provided that they observe the rights equally sacred of ethical and religious minorities."

"While thus introducing into the world as much harmony as possible, you will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions unanimously adopted by the Great Allied Powers, establish a general League of Nations which will be a supreme guarantee against any fresh assaults upon the right of peoples."

How far has this purpose been fulfilled? He would be a bold man who would pretend that the high mission has been carried out without deflection and without conspicuous failures.

The actual representation of the Powers, big and little, was not settled without many protests, and it is now no secret that great discontent was aroused by the allocation of the number of seats to each nation.

Mr. Lloyd George soon found an opportunity for his gift of conciliation, since there was indeed much that was arbitrary in the arrangements dictated by material interests.

The first intention that Belgium should have fewer representatives than Brazil displeased many commentators. The British delegation was regarded as unfair, since Canada, Australia and India, and other parts of the Empire, helped to strengthen the British point of view.

The question of the Dominions was certainly a difficult one, for they are entirely British, and yet could not be assimilated. It was obvious that separate representation was due for their great and gallant part in the war, but the clear-sighted French observed the preponderance of the British element thus given, and asked for (and were refused) representatives from Algeria, Cochin-China and Morocco.

The Jugo-Slays, as such, were not to have a place. The Serbians, who, with their neighbours composing the new nation, were to have so much to say with regard to the Italian claims, had two representatives, and could not therefore speak for three nationalities. The differences among the Asiatic nations were even more fundamental.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/parispeaceconf_huddleston.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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Meierijsche Courant, Zaterdag 18 Januari 1919.

Eindhoven. De oudste inwoner onzer stad. Dinsdag a.s. wordt de oudste inwoner van Eindhoven, Januske Wijn, aan de Groote Berg, 97 jaar. Als bijzonderheid kan daarbij worden vermeld, dat het krasse mannetje totaal zonder lichaamsgebreken is. Met genoegen leest hij nog altijd zonder bril de "Meierijsche Courant", en, wanneer hij ter kerke gaat, kan hij reeds van uit de verte, zonder bril, op de torenklok aflezen, of hij zijn vlugge beenen meer of minder reppen moet. Wij wenschen het krasse oudje nog vele jaren levens toe.

Meierijsche Courant, Zaterdag 18 Januari 1919.

De lijn Achel – Valkenswaard. Naar men ons mededeelt, zullen binnenkort een groot aantal Duitsche locomotieven en materieel, door de Entente afgekeurd over Achel – Eindhoven – Venlo aan Duitschland worden teruggegeven. Zoo zal dan wederom voor het eerst de lijn Achel – Valkenswaard gebruikt wor(den). Moge spoedig het geregeld verkeer volgen.

http://www.shgv.nl/KrantenArtikelen/19191.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 22:04    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

From 'The War Illustrated', 18th January, 1919: 'Versailles—Then and Now'


Premiers Clemenceau, Balfour and President Wilson entering Versailles

Secret Diplomacy

"Those - fools over there!" the German Crown Prince is reported to call the people of Germany, when he speaks of them at his place of internment in Holland. It comes with an ill grace from him; he was one of the chief conspirators among those who made fools of them. But how true it is; how true they must feel it to be, especially when they let their minds dwell upon the change at Versailles from what happened there in 1871 to what is happening there to-day !

Many a dramatic turn of fortune sets us moralising over the instability of mankind as we read history. Kings captured, tried, and sent to the scaffold by men whom they would not have admitted to their Royal antechambers. Conquerors, like Napoleon, who .for many years imposed their will upon half the world, brought low at last and banished to some dreary spot, where they pass their time playing chess or puzzling out acrostics. Nations, like Spain or Holland, which once spoke with authority in the counsels of the Powers, reduced to feebleness or merely commercial prosperity.

I can think of nothing more dramatic in the pages of history than the contrast between the position of Germany in January, 1871, and the position of the German people at the present time.

Bismarck's Ambition

It was on January 18th of that year, alter the few months' war, that the German Empire was proclaimed in the great Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. Bismarck had made his dream reality ; he had worked for nine years as Minister-President of Prussia to bring about the union of all the German States. He had, in order to sweep away obstacles, deliberately made war three times—the Danish war, the war with Austria, and the war with France. He did not trouble to deny this. He admitted it, indeed, but added with satisfaction that he had in each case calculated the advantages that would ensue, and balanced them against the sacrifices which would have to be made.

That was how statesmen thought of war. Many do, still. Happily for the peoples of the world—the civilised world, at any rate —we are now beginning to see more clearly the worthlessness of the ambitions which provoke wars. We have begun to ask why countless lives should be thrown away and countless homes desolated in order that a king may become an emperor, or to win prestige for a ruling class (which Moltke confessed to be the object of the war which Prussia made on Austria in 1866), or because some ambassador's vanity is wounded, or because some Prime Minister "puts his money on the wrong horse"!

What has been the result of the gratifying of Bismarck's ambition to unite the Kingdoms, and Principalities, and Grand' Dukedoms of Germany in an Empire? It did Bismarck good, certainly; it raised him from being Chief Minister of a small State to being the most powerful man in a large one. It benefited Prussian generals and Prussian officials. But can it be said that the peoples of Germany were in any way the better for it? Was any man, woman, or child, the happier or more prosperous, even? In the little States the taxes were light, the rule of the sovereigns easy; visitors used to tell of the contentment and well-being of the populations. Did they gain any advantage whatever from all the bloodshed and the misery caused by the process of creating the German Empire?

A Fateful Proclamation

However, these are new ideas among the mass of people. They had already been entertained by poets and philosophers, but it never entered the heads of common men that the whole business of statecraft and kingship and military aggrandisement was a conspiracy against their happiness and their property and their lives.

There were men and women here and there in Germany on January 18th, 1871, who said to themselves: "What is the good of an empire to us?" But they were very few in number. AH the rest threw their caps up and shouted for Bismarck and Emperor William, the men who had been sending their sons and husbands and brothers by the thousand to their graves in France.

And there, in the Hall of Mirrors, after the Emperor had been crowned, Bismarck's proclamation was read, which made the sovereign declare his hope that God would vouchsafe to him and his successors ever to be "increasers of the German Empire, not by warlike conquests, but. with the boons and benefits of peace, for the national welfare, freedom, and civilisation."

No doubt it was Bismarck's desire that, having made three wars with advantage, his country should now remain at peace. So the burglar who has got away with a large quantity of swag yearns to settle down quietly and enjoy his ill-gotten gains, leading a law-abiding existence.

But there, in that very proclamation, was the seed of future war, the seed of the defeat and humiliation which were in store for the conquerors of 1871.

Palace of Unhappy Memories

Why did Bismarck want the German Empire to be increased? Did he not foresee that in time there were certain to arise other ambitious men who would seek to increase it by the means which he practised—not by those which in this proclamation he preached ? They did arise even before he died. They said "We must have colonies!" The old man had no sympathy with this cry. "Germany cannot colonise, and does not need to," was his answer to it. But he had set up the increasing of the Empire as an ideal.

He could not tame the appetite he had encouraged. Now the wheel is come full circle, and the work he gave his life to is blown away.

Versailles is a palace of unhappy memories.

It is, indeed, a perfect emblem of the ruling class in France which provoked the Revolution. It is cold, formal, artificial, like the bewigged and berouged monarch who squandered enormous sums on building it and laying out the park. No happy, simple lives have ever been passed within these gloomy walls—unless, indeed, some folks of mean estate have lived and been content in out-of-the-way attics. At Fontainebleau there are little rooms

where one could be intimate and comfortable. At Versailles all is vast and dreary. The associations which cling about the place give one the shivers.

Yet now I like to think of Bismarck there, browbeating the French peace envoys, cursing the long-drawn-out discussions over terms; chuckling about the French general who got drunk ; signing the peace treaty with a gold pen presented to him for the purpose. I like to think of all. this because it gives me greater faith in God's justice; because it tells me that, though wrong may endure for a while, right cometh in the end; because all that Bismarck wickedly plotted and cemented together with blood and tears has been brought to naught.

We shall rewrite history some day, and then Bismarck will be called truly one of the world's worst criminals. He did not try to conceal his criminal instincts. When Jules Favre, who was the chief French negotiator, mentioned that the population of Paris was getting a little out of hand, Bismarck said, "You should get up a riot, then, while you have an army to suppress it!" Favre looked horrified, as well he might. "That is the only way to manage the mob," Bismarck told him, as if he were speaking of traps for mice or flies.

"Take It or Leave It!"

In small matters he was humane enough. He had trains waiting to take food into Paris as soon as the settlement was made. He saw to it that the peace envoys had a meal as soon as they arrived at Versailles. He knew they must have been on short commons, so a supper of cutlets, ham, and scrambled eggs was hastily cooked for them. At first Favre refused the champagne which was offered. But later he drank some. A human and rather a pitiful touch that, I think.

Very hard the envoys fought to reduce the German conditions, as no doubt the German negotiators will fight hard to whittle down the Allies' terms during these coming weeks. Small success they had. The indemnity was reduced from £240,000,000 to £200,000,000. That was all.

At the last Bismarck's temper overcame him. The rough, bullying Junker nature burst through the coating of diplomatic politeness.

"You can take it or leave it!" he roared. "I won't discuss the matter any more. And I won't talk French any more. Next time you come, bring an interpreter!"

But the next time they came the treaty was signed. That was on February 26th. Negotiations had begun on January 23rd. I wish there were any prospect of our peace being made as quickly. It ought to have been made at Marshal Foch's Headquarters.

Now it is going to be a regular bureaucratic business, carried on by officials who never do anything quickly and by politicians who never know their own minds.

I wish there were some man with Bismarck's strong will and capability to mete out to the Germans the same measure as that which he imposed so pitilessly upon France just forty-eight years ago.

http://www.greatwardifferent.com/Great_War/1919/Fyfe_Versailles_01.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 22:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Sailor Dreaming of Girlfriend by Norman Rockwell, January 18, 1919 Issue of The Saturday Evening Post



In this classic painting, Rockwell gives us a glimpse into sailor life during the First World War.

Rockwell was stationed in Charleston, South Carolina during his stint with the Naval Reserves during World War I. Due to his physique, he never saw active duty, but was instead a morale booster. He drew cartoons and did layouts for the camp newspaper, Ashore and Afloat.

During this period, he also drew and painted portraits of his comrades and commanders. This painting is obviously one such portrait.

In this illustration, he shows two of his comrades, fellow sailors away from home, but not actually in the thick of the War.

The big fellow on the right is smoking his pipe and looking downward to his friend. The big fellow has lots of tattoos. His left hand has the Navy anchor with the initials USN, for United States Navy, underneath. The number 1908, presumably when he enlisted, is tattooed on his left wrist.

His right wrist, however, keeps with the theme of this painting. Tattooed on his right wrist is MARY, the name of his sweetheart. On the back of right hand is a heart and the initials MB.

Other tattoos are on his chest.

The smaller sailor is the main focus of the painting. He is the sailor daydreaming of his girlfriend. In one hand he holds a photo of the object of his affections. On the photo is inscribed "Love to my Sailorboy from _____ XXXXX" Sorry, I cannot make out the name on the inscription.

We can also see an envelope underneath the photograph. He has just received this wonderful communication from his girl. His eyes are drifting off in a daydream.

We can also see a fountain pen tucked into the middle of his uniform. He is probably mentally composing sweet nothings to write back to his girlfriend.

Affection returned is a very sweet thing.

http://www.best-norman-rockwell-art.com/norman-rockwell-saturday-evening-post-cover-1919-01-18-sailor-dreaming-of-girlfriend.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2011 22:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Prince John of the United Kingdom



The Prince John (John Charles Francis; 12 July 1905 – 18 January 1919) was a member of the British Royal Family, the youngest son of King George V and Queen Mary. The Prince had epilepsy and consequently was largely hidden from the public eye. (...)

Neither of John’s parents were at Wood Farm when he died unexpectedly in the early hours of 18 January 1919. At 5.30 a.m., the telephone rang at Sandringham House. Charlotte Bill was on the line, telling the Queen that John had had a severe fit and could not be awakened. Since John turned 13, the fits had grown worse and had become more frequent.

King George and Queen Mary immediately were driven the one mile to Wood Farm and found Miss Bill 'heartbroken but resigned', and the lifeless boy lying as if asleep on his bed.

An entry in the Queen's diary reads:

"Lalla Bill telephoned from Wood Farm, Wolferton, that our poor darling Johnnie had died suddenly after one of his attacks. The news gave me a great shock, though for the little boy's restless soul, death came as a great release. I brought the news to George & we motored down to Wood Farm. Found poor Lalla very resigned but heartbroken. Little Johnnie looked very peaceful lying there ... For him it is a great release as his malady was becoming worse as he grew older and he has thus been spared much suffering. I cannot say how grateful we feel to God for having taken him in such a peaceful way, he just slept quietly... no pain, no struggle, just peace for the poor little troubled spirit, which had been a great anxiety for us for many years ever since he was four."

Prince John was buried 21 January 1919 at Sandringham Church (the Church of St Mary Magdalene), Norfolk.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince_John_of_the_United_Kingdom
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BerichtGeplaatst: 18 Jan 2012 12:27    Onderwerp: Feldflieger-Abteilung 49 Reageer met quote

Feldflieger-Abteilung 49



Der FFA 49 wurde am 18.01.1915 aufgestellt und am 11.01.1917
in die Fliegerabteilung 11 (FA 11) umbenannt.
Das Foto zeigt die Weihnachtsfeier 1915 der Mannschaftsdienstgrade. Man beachte auch
der sehr schön geschmückten Baum (mit allem, was aufzutreiben war!).


Bron: http://www.buddecke.de/ffa49.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 17 Jan 2014 18:38    Onderwerp: 18.01.1914 Reageer met quote

January 18, 1914 :

A Munich policeman named Herle knocks on Hitler's door at 3:30 PM to serve Hitler a summons‑-on which his name is misspelled‑-from the military authorities in Linz, Austria, demanding that he present himself for military service:

Herr Adolf Hietler [sic], born 1889, domiciled Linz am Donau, presently staying in Munich care of Popp, Schleissheimerstrasse 34/III, is hereby summoned to present himself for military registration at Linz, at 30 Kaiserin Elizabeth Quay, on January 20, 1914; and in the event of his failure to comply with this summons, he will be liable to prosecution under paragraphs 64 and 66 of the Law regarding Military Service of the year 1912.10

To ensure that Hitler will heed the summons, he arrests him and hauls him off to a Munich police station for the night

http://htbo.tripod.com/ht5.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 18 Jan 2018 10:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Zuiderzeevloed van 1916

(...) De grootste schade ontstond in de gebieden rond de Zuiderzee. In de provincie Noord-Holland verdronken negentien mensen. In de Anna Paulownapolder in de kop van Noord-Holland werden burgers en militairen ingezet om zakken met klei en zand langs de zeewering te leggen. Enkele huizen in Marken spoelden weg. "Op Marken is de ellende zeer groot," schreef de Helderse Courant op 18 januari 1916. "Van alle verbinding verstoken hebben de bewoners van het eiland een bange nacht doorgebracht." Om drie uur gebeurde er iets verschrikkelijks. "Huizen werden door het water weggeslagen. Zestien mensen verdronken. Op Moeniswerf, het kleinste gehucht van Marken, verdronken zeven mensen." Elf mensen, die op de zolder van een van de grootste huizen waren samengeschoold, hebben als door een wonder het er levend afgebracht. (...)

http://www.absolutefacts.com/nl/zuiderzeevloed-1916.htm
Zie ook https://www.parool.nl/amsterdam/-vergeten-watersnoodramp-van-1916-herdacht~a4222568/
Zie ook https://www.nemokennislink.nl/publicaties/1916-de-watersnoodramp-die-nederland-veranderde/

De watersnood te Harderwijk

Maandag 17 januari bezoekt de Commissaris der Koningin in Gelderland de heer van Gitter Harderwijk. Op zijn verzoek wordt die zelfde dag nog een watersnoodcommisie opgericht, die een rijk geillustreed album uitgegeven ter nagedachtenis aan de waternoodsramp. Op 18 januari wordt de commisie geinstalleerd door B.en W. Op 20 maart werd het boekje uitgegeven door de firma Gebrs. Mooy. Met de plaatselijk geldinzamelingen was een bedrag opgehaald van fl 1.307,60.

https://www.harderwijksezaken.nl/geschiedenis/1916-grote-overstroming-watersnoodramp
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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